Vakkapali tribal Oriya women are again at the receiving end
By K. SUDHAKAR PATNAIK reports
Allegedly gang raped eleven Kandho Tribal Oriya women displaced by the Machkund Power project and settled in Vakkapali village of Paderu Mandal in Visakhapatnam district of Andhra Pradesh bordering Koraput district of Orissa are again at the receiving end.
The incident that took place in July 20, 2007 had rocked the entire state of Andhra Pradesh has taken a new turn when the eleven alleged gang raped women appeared before the court on last week charging against them to explain why an action should not be initiated against them for lodging a false complaint against the special police force combing the area.
The court in its notice stated that the CB-CID superintendent of police Siba Nanda Reddy submitted a report that the case filed by the women in the Paderu police station on August 2007 alleging that the special police party gang raped them was found false. The eleven women appeared before Araku first class magistrate, as the Paderu first class magistrate was on leave who summoned the women to appear before him. Araku court was packed by the social activists of both men and women, leaders of Bahujana Samaj Party (BSP) and Adivasi Aikya Porata Samiti leader Rama Rao Dora. They raised slogans in support of the women victims who have been victimised based on the CB-CID Superintendent of police Siba Nanda Reddy. CB - CID itself is a part of the government.
The women activist of opposition Telugu Desam Party Dr. Padmavati Naidu while talking to this writer over phone said the Andhra Pradesh state government is trying to save the skin of police who raped innocent tribal women. She alleged that they have appointed the superintendent of police who was favorable to the government and got the report in favour of the accused police men. She said that the victimized tribal women are being harassed by some or other way. “We have decided to intensify our agitation till justice was done to the tribal women of Vakkapali”, she said.
Former Telugu Desam Minister Mani Kumari alleged that the State government has hatched a conspiracy to dilute the case and a part of it the CID report was fabricated accordingly. The SP submitted his report on February 14th this year before the court at Paderu basing on which summons issued to all the 11 tribal women and they appeared before the court on which the case has been adjourned to March 19, 2008 .
Lalita on behalf of Orissa National Organisation of Women wrote in August, 2007 : "As a woman myself and as a womens network we are shocked at the rape of tribal women in Andhra Pradesh and not really surprised at the way the police has been handling this unfortunate incident. History has shown that women have borne the brunt of all kinds of violence whether it is war, religious fundamentalism, terrorism, caste violence etc. I would suggest that let a national online petition be put up in the web and let as many of us possible send it to the authorities not only in Andhra but also to Delhi, like the NHRC, NCW, Prime Minister and other".
Surat Diary
By Sudarshan Chhotray.
An understated tragedy
AIDS is an increasingly
normal part of the life
of the migrant labourer.
The author explains Pratap
Jena, 28, belongs to Maulpalli
village in Polsora block
of Orissa’s Ganjam district.
He was working as a textile
labour in Surat (Gujarat).
He married two years ago
and has a son. His sudden
death on 1 February 2004
sent a shock wave through
the large migrant labour
community and their family
members, who toil in Surat’s
textile industry. Pratap’s
case was not an isolated
one. He was identified
as an AIDS victim just
a few months ago at an
AIDS awareness camp in
his village. Identified
along with him were 21
others, out of 618 patients
tested.
In Ganjam district, there
are 65 more who live with
full blown AIDS. The government
claims that there are
only 166 AIDS patients
in the entire state but
non-government organisations
assert that there are
more than 5,000 HIV positive
people of whom at least
400 are AIDS patients.
And of these 25 patients
have died so far, sources
said. Migration is the
major culprit for their
condition. There are more
than 600,000 Oriya migrant
labourers working in Surat
from Ganjam district alone
out of 900,000 labourers
from the state. At least
30 per cent of them are
seasonal migrants and
the others live in the
slums of Surat around
the year, in conditions
that carry high risks
of unsafe sex leading
to HIV transmission. The
medical community of Gujarat
and Orissa confirms the
alarming increase in AIDS
among migrant labourers.
Driven out of poverty
Orissa presents a paradoxical
picture of poverty amidst
plenty.
Despite being endowed
with vast natural resources,
Orissa continues to be
amongst the poorest states
in the country. The state
economic survey shows
a heavy incidence and
persistence of poverty,
which characterises the
economy of Orissa. Poverty
is also spatially concentrated
in Orissa: some regions,
such as the south, are
poorer. Several anti-poverty
and wage employment programmes
have been implemented
in the state since 1980-’81
to create income generating
assets and employment
on daily wage basis. But
migration goes unchecked.
Unofficial sources say
that of the 10,00,000
Oriya migrant workers
in different parts of
the country, more than
500,000 are in Surat.
The situation worsened
due to the colossal damage
caused by the super cyclone
in 1999 and the subsequent
severe drought of 2000
followed by unprecedented
floods. Surat, slums and
sweat Surat presents a
mix of continuity and
change in its social character.
Its dominant trade-centred
city economy of the past
is now an amalgamation
of a capital-intensive
industrial set up and
a wide range of numerous
small-scale units associated
with production, processing,
repairs and services.
Job opportunities in the
textile, diamond and jari
industries have over the
past decades attracted
workers from distant states
like Orissa and Andhra
Pradesh. About 86 per
cent of Oriya migrants
in the city are from Ganjam
district alone and most
Andhra migrants from its
Warangal and Nalgonda
district.
Low agricultural productivity
in many of the South Orissa
and Telengana villages
and an almost total lack
of alternative jobs have
led to large scale out-migration
of younger males to Gujarat.
In many of these areas,
the failure of developmental
programmes, persistence
of poverty and a continued
marginalisation of rural
poor, especially those
belonging to the lower
caste groups, led peasant
and farm households to
send part of their male
labour force to the city.
Many workers were attracted
by the possibility of
being absorbed in specific
sectors where people from
their villages were already
working. Migrants to the
city can earn anything
between Rs 1,500 to Rs
4,000 in a month. A large
part of this income has
to be remitted back to
their villages. Many are
working to retrieve their
mortgaged land or acquire
some land in their native
villages that can sustain
their families.
This city’s organised
slums now house more than
17 lakh migrant labourers
from Orissa, Andhra, Uttar
Pradesh and Tamil Nadu
besides wage labourers
from Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan,
Bihar, Maharashtra and
Gujarat itself. Dense
and dingy living conditions,
long working hours and
oppressive work environments
make the lives of many
migrants a living hell.
The location of their
slums is determined mainly
by nearness to worksites,
available patches of land
along the roads and rail
tracks, open spaces adjacent
to factory walls, low
lying areas and river
and canal banks. Narayan
Bahera, a seasonal migrant
worker from Orissa’s Gangpur
village working as a weaving
master and machine operator,
asserts that Oriya labourers
have chosen Surat because
jobs here have not demanded
educational qualifications,
training or experience.
Narayan claims “Our jobs
are temporary and casual
and we live in apprehension
of losing them. Surat’s
power loom industry is
growing fast and despite
job hazards and labour
disputes we have to adjust
rather than enter unions.
We don’t want to lose
our jobs, hence we ask
our fellow Oriyas not
to be involved in any
union activity.” AIDS
running amuck It is against
this background of hardships
that Surat will soon have
a dubious first to its
credit in the state –
the city with the highest
incidence of AIDS. Doctors
believe that more than
300,000 suspected carriers
are working and living
in the city. Brothels
flourish as much as jobs
and this is one reason
why Surat is a sitting
duck for an AIDS bomb.
Surat is the only city
in Gujarat with an organised
“red-light” area.
Large-scale proliferation
of premarital promiscuity,
multiple sexual partnership
with commercial sex workers
and high homosexuality
are part of labour life
here. Today even police
records shows that there
are around 5,000 commercial
sex workers in Surat,
a large number of who
are AIDS carriers. The
menace of AIDS is graver
than usually understood
since migrant workers
return to their native
places taking the risk
across several hundred
kilometres to their families.
There are no specific
action or programmes undertaken
by the government to curb
unsafe sex, but NGOs in
the region, with some
financial support from
state AIDS cell and funding
agencies, occasionally
conduct health camps in
rural areas. The response
to AIDS awareness activities
however continues to remain
low due to the social
stigma and embarrassment
related to the disease.
Compounding the problem
is the lack of counselling
skills as well as absence
of sufficient equipment
for the Elisa test, relating
to HIV identification.
Keeping in view the rising
number of suspected AIDS
cases among Oriya migrants
the health department
of the government of Gujarat
and the district administration
of Ganjam signed an agreement
to issue health cards
to migrant labourers.
A promising initiative
that turned futile because
a system to identify and
mobilise migrant workers
could not be put in place.
“Hunger Will Not Wait
For Our Leaders To Catch
Up; Luckily, Nor Will
We!”
By Aditya Malaviya
The lush green fields
of rice and sugarcane
give way to the bustling
port of Gopalpur-On-Sea
as we make our way to
the offices of Samudram
in the small fishing village
of Koturu in Chatrapur
block of Ganjam district
in Orissa.
Clad in a simple cream
sari, blue blouse and
matching blue bangles,
B Chitamma, all of 65-years
of age, has a warm smile
on her countenance as
we step into her spartan
office. She gestures shyly
at the two chairs facing
her, inviting us to make
ourselves comfortable.
She laughs when she sees
the quizzical look on
my face, and explains
with a glint in her eye
that she is fluent in
both the languages- Telugu,
spoken in the land of
her birth, and Oriya,
her adopted land for the
last quarter century or
so. But for now, she explains
(through Kaley-ji, my
interlocutor), she prefers
to speak the language
of her ancestors, Telugu.
Unfortunately for me,
I am at sea in both!
Thinking aloud, one can’t
help but notice a prosperous
feel to the village -
new High School building,
the gaudy pink cyclone
shelter, concrete by-lanes
and the general hustle-bustle
of a small, close-knit
fishing community seemingly
at peace with itself.
Barely have these thoughts
crossed my mind when Chitamma
quips: “It was not like
this even 10-years ago…we
have been heavily exploited
and lost our traditional
fishing rights in Chilika
lake to prawn gheri’s
(enclosures) set up by
non-traditional fishermen.
We have seen our livelihoods
and food security disappear
faster than the fish in
Chilika," she says
in an emotional appeal.
“There was a time when
we told the government
either you kill us, or
you give us our fishing
grounds back from the
non-tribals. The government
didn’t bat an eyelid…!”.
Born in Visakhapatnam,
Post Gandhigram (in the
Indian state of Andhra
Pradesh), Chitamma was
one of the youngest in
her family of three brothers
and three sisters (she’s,
in fact, fifth in the
lineage!). Her parents
worked with the Scindia
Shipping Company in Visakhapatnam
city, her father a mason
and mother a fact-to-tum,
doing odd jobs with the
company. And though they
were not well off in the
sense of the word, there
was enough for everyone
on the table. A special
bonus used to be new clothes,
usually on festivals,
since the family was hard
pushed to clothe everyone.
“My mother, a fisherman’s
wife herself, always made
sure we were fed. The
rest came later, if it
came at all!”, she smiles.
Two brothers were employed
as fitters in the same
company, while another
was a carpenter. She had
a carefree childhood,
generally helping with
household chores, and
being pampered by her
older siblings. Because
everyone went to work
and sisters married off,
Chitamma had to drop out
of school while still
very in class five to
take care of household
chores.
She met her husband,
P Potadu, a fisherman
himself, “during one of
those instances” and was
married at the age of
twenty. Which meant she
had to relocate to her
husband’s village - Koturu-
from her native village
of Sanolianuagan in Andhra
Pradesh. Soon she was
blessed with three sons
and three daughters; two
sons have taken to fishing
in their father’s footsteps,
while another is a port
worker, while the daughter’s
are all married off and
settled in their own lives.
But Chitamma clearly remembers
what her mother had once
said to her before she
was married: “You are
marrying into a poor(er)
family. One day you will
make a name for yourself
(because of hardwork you
will have to do)”. Little
did she know that decades
later, those words would
prove prophetic for her
in more ways than one…
The village of Koturu,
she reminisces, is not
only small, it came with
its own peculiar problems,
chief amongst them being
poverty, hunger and alcoholism
- ad nauseam. “I was shocked
by what I discovered:
an open well, no school
or hospital, and people
with little – if any-
livelihood options. If
there was anything that
was aplenty, it was the
staggering legion of alcoholics!
They weren’t bothered
that what they were spending
on alcohol meant their
wives and children back
home were sleeping on
empty stomachs. It was
disappointing to see that
many a woman in my village
were alcoholics also.
This really got my gall!”.
The fishermen community
can basically be divided
into two castes: Wadabalaji
and Jalari the Wadabalaji
are the higher castes,
while Koturu village is
dominated by the Kondra
(fishermen) and Sahukar
(money lenders) community
(her husband, incidentally,
is a Jalari). Constant
quibbling between these
castes was a source of
friction in the village,
and distracted the people
from their real enemy-
declining livelihoods
and food insecurity. “People
constantly borrowed money
from the Sahukars for
food, but they never really
spared it a thought; money
borrowed for other reasons,
like meeting medical bills,
marriages, festivals and
merry-making was, to them,
real borrowing. But poor
diets meant poorer health
which means higher medical
costs. It all added up
in the end, but people
never really saw the connection”,
she says; “I couldn’t
believe it”.
Realizing that something
ought to be done, Chitamma
was nevertheless at a
loss where to begin. That
was when she first hit
on the idea of saving
money as a way out for
the women of Koturu. She
began by visiting women
house-to-house and setting
up small groups. It was
hard work, not only because
she was an ‘outsider’,
but also because the men
of the house were suspicious-
and so were quite a few
women. But she pushed
on nevertheless, and managed
to finally put together
15 groups comprising about
20 women each in a two-year
period. “Each group began
saving Rs 30 every month.
When they said they didn’t
see how this money was
going to change their
lives, I told them about
the frog-in-the-well!
If they didn’t come out
of their ‘wells’, they
were resigned to a lifetime
of poverty and despair”,
she says, taking a moment
to speak to some women
members come to meet her.
Thus was born the Kali
Amma Nari Shakti Sangh,
the umbrella organization
for the smattering of
these groups, all 15 in
number. It was registered
in 1991-92, and immediately
took up cudgels against
hunger, poverty, education
and health issues locally.
“We especially advocated
for more PDS shops and
setting up schools for
children, so that the
next generation would
not have to sleep hungry
or want for a livelihood”,
Chitamma says, adding
“Sheer poverty and helplessness
drove many young children
to a life of hard labour.
Many would begin working
as agricultural labour
on daily wages when they
were as small as 10-12-years
of age. And all they got
for a day's hard labour
was Rs 2 (1US$=Rs 40),
which would be snatched
by their alcoholic father.
They would just go to
sleep hungry”.
Chitamma found herself
increasingly troubled
by many aspects of the
situation of local fishermen
communities. As she matured,
her thoughts became clearer
and she began speaking
her mind out loud. The
fishermen, in turn, identified
with what she was saying.
Soon, her voice was their
voice.
From now on, she knew,
she would have to chart
out her own course in
her struggle for her people.
She went back to traveling
to fishermen hamlets,
understanding the problems
in each area and mobilizing
the people on her own.
Then came her first victory.
“Most fishermen are anemic.
Many are even malnourished,
and so are their children.
They don't have the money
to buy iron-rich vegetables
and fruits, and barely
manage on fish and rice,
their staple diet. And
then they blow away their
money in liquor. We had
to thus, start with alcoholism
in the village, otherwise
everything constructive
we did came to nothing
in the evening (when the
binge drinking begins)”,
she says, suddenly sitting
up in earnest. Twenty
years ago, she says, almost
all the men and women
in the village were incorrigible
alcoholics, sometimes
even hitting the bottle
in the afternoon onwards.
“Then one day, a fight
broke out between some
families over a petty
matter, and before we
knew it, 10-15 families
became involved in the
quarrel and things began
to turn ugly. It was all
because of liquor….But
no one seemed to be bothered
in the village if heads
got broken or people suffered.
That’s when I called a
few women, and together
we went and broke the
utensils, hearth and other
material used to make
liquor. We did this three
times, and warned them
we would be back”. Then,
for good measure, the
women went to the Collector
and asked him to do something.
The Collector was impressed
by their determination
and sheer grit, and he
made a visit to the village
to see things for him.
“When the Collector came,
everyone gathered around
and he asked the villagers
to sign a petition demanding
that liquor manufacture
in the village should
be banned. But no one
stepped forward! Then
I stepped forward and
signed the petition, which
spurred the other women
to come forward and sign.
Then the Collector asked
us when we wanted him
to take action- today,
tomorrow, a week later…Today!,
we shouted in unison,
and that was a turning
point in my fight to change
the fortunes of my people!”.
Now it has been almost
20-years since alcohol
was manufactured in the
village, and the villager
women are proud of this
milestone. They claim
that even the number of
people taking to alcohol
has come down significantly,
but that should surprise
no one.
Not only has alcohol
manufacture stopped, but
today the village has
a primary school, and
people have access to
drinking water through
tube wells. “Though we
wasted a lot of time and
money in chasing up government
officials –which was disappointing-
we have succeeded in improving
life in our village on
some issues. That is promising”,
says Chitamma.
While each village had
its own sangh (group),
they came together to
fight on common issues,
such as water, PDS or
health. “But we were not
getting any loans from
banks- there were a lot
of problems. We then decided
to make a mahasangh”,
says Chitamma.
The women sangh members
held a series of meetings
in every village, mobilizing
women and men on common
issues and concerns. This
resulted in a big gathering
held at Kendrapada, village
Balisahi, in 1995, wherein
each sangh participated.
Thus was born Samudram,
a State Level Federation
of Women Fish Workers
Organization, with the
express objective of development
of marine fisher women
and their families living
along the coast of Bay
of Bengal in Orissa.
(Samudram was registered
the same year under the
Societies Registration
Act, XXI of 1860, with
the registration number
42871 (95-96), headquartered
at Katuru village in Chatrapur
block of Ganjam district).
When it was time for
electing the office bearers,
the natural choice was
Chitamma, who had begun
it all in the first place.
“Everyone nominated me,
and I couldn’t refuse,
not after having such
a long way. My people
were very important to
me, and I wanted to do
more for them”, she says,
albeit a little embarrassed
by it all!
“Samudram has 11 executive
members, including the
President and Secretary,
and has a total membership
of 3080 members, who are
all traditional fishermen.
Members can join by paying
a lifetime membership
of Rs 150”, she adds,
as 10-year old Gajapati,
freshly showered and hair
neatly oiled, sidles up
to her. When asked, he
nods that he is keen to
set off for school in
the village. Soon, we
have a small bunch of
curious and shy 10-year
old something boys and
girls outside Chitamma’s
small office, looking
smart in their uniforms.
Says Chitamma, obvious
pride in her voice: “This
eagerness for school in
our children was not always
there. This boy and his
friends are perhaps the
first generation Kondra’s
to go to school”. Like
other coastal communities
in India, these traditional
fishermen have long been
characterised by stagnant
populations, remote abodes,
few economic opportunities
and low levels of literacy.
"We eat brinjal
with tomatoes or potatoes
mostly, at home. Sometimes,
we eat dal (arhar dal
or tur dal) though not
chapattis. Mostly, I eat
rice twice a day, and
have some biscuits for
breakfast since we do
not get any food (midday
meal) at school. I like
to eat everything. But
it would be nice to have
rice more often and may
be even chicken curry
sometimes!," says
Gajapati, revealing his
favorite foods.
Chitamma explains that
Samudram is now working
21 coastal blocks in Ganjam,
Puri, Jagatsinghpur, Kendrapada,
Bhadrak and Balasore districts
of Orissa, with its focus
largely on livelihood
training on boat and engine
repair, boat manufacturing
to facilitate self employment.
A major thrust area has
been tackling cheating
by middlemen in the fish
and prawn trade, who otherwise
ganged up against the
fishermen by raising the
cost of fish at landing
centres and discouraged
other fishermen from selling
their catch to Samudram.
“We encourage Samudram
members to take up trading,
establish linkages with
wholesale traders and
exporters for Samudram
brand of products (like
fish and prawn pickles,
dry fish, fish papad (popadoms)
and the like. Along with
capacity building of women
in aspects like production
of value-added marine
products, training by
professionals from College
of Fisheries, exhibition
of our products at various
festivals, district and
national development exhibitions,
workshops and conferences
has helped us immensely
in breaking the shackles
of the middlemen”, says
she.
As we go across to the
next room to look at some
Samudram products, Chitamma
explains that Samudram
now has 5 procurement
centres for fresh and
dry fish, one each at
Godaband, Arjipalli, Sanolianuagan,
Kokharkeda and Poddampeda,
run by trained fisherwomen,
churning out products
like fish and prawn achar
(pickle), fish papad (popadams),
fish balls, fish pakoda,
fish cutlets, fish cake
and fish paneer. “Since
almost 70% of total marine
catch in the state consists
of low priced fish, which
fetch a proportionately
low market price, they
are either discarded at
sea or made into fish
meal (these fish include
lesser sardines, Ribbon
fish, Lizard fish and
Pink Pearches, amongst
others). But the meat
of these fish is as nutritious
as any other commercially
important fish. We saw
a great opportunity in
making value added fish
products from these (low
priced) fish, as well
as preparing by-products
from processing wastes”.
Armed with the support
of organizations like
OXFAM, Action Aid, Orissa
Traditional Fisher Women’s
Union (OTFWU), and the
College of Fisheries,
Government of Orissa,
Samudram not only began
intensive training programmes
for its members, but also
embarked on a sustained
marketing blitz for its
products, by participating
in different national,
state and district-level
congregations like the
Gopalpur Beach Festival
and Khallikote Mahatushav.
With technical assistance
from the Central Institute
of Fisheries Education
(CIFE), Mumbai, Samudram
has been able to hygienically
package its products in
food grade packs. These
are now sold in markets
as distant as Chennai
(companies include DSF
& RSK), Delhi (King
Fisher) and Howrah (Star
Fish).
However, says Chitamma,
while she may have worked
hard at making Samudran
the “modest success story”
it is, she does have a
small personal regret.
“My sons do not want to
be fishermen any more
but want to join the army”,
says she ruefully, hastily
adding “But there’s nothing
wrong in serving the nation.
It’s just that we would
have liked them to be
near us and take up their
ancestral profession.
It would have given us
a lot of confidence”,
least she be construed
as being less patriotic!
“ All I want to tell
my people is like I haven’t
stopped working for them,
they should also help
each other. And most importantly,
they should not stop being
fishermen. Once they do
that, we will all die
penniless of hunger and
misery. It is our lifeblood,”
she says, raising an emphatic
arm in the air to drive
home her point. “My number
one priority is education
for all our children and
youth, then it is sound
business and thirdly,
good behaviour”. On a
more philosophical note,
Chitamma says “Earlier
there was a lot of fish
in the lake, but people
had less money, so they
ate well. Today, the lake
has little fish, but people
want more money, so they
sell whatever they catch,
not bothering to feed
themselves or their families
well. This is where we
are going wrong…”.
(Article written as part
of ‘Bursaries for Journalists,
supported by CDL/GAA/EU’.)